By Kazuyo Tsuchiya
Within the Sixties and Nineteen Seventies, the USA and Japan went via big welfare expansions that sparked debates approximately citizenship. on the center of those disputes stood African american citizens and Koreans. Reinventing Citizenship bargains a comparative research of African American welfare activism in l. a. and Koreans’ campaigns for welfare rights in Kawasaki. In working-class and terrible neighborhoods in either destinations, African americans and Koreans sought not just to be famous as electorate but additionally to turn into valid constituting participants of communities.
Local activists in la and Kawasaki ardently challenged the welfare associations. via growing competition activities and voicing substitute visions of citizenship, African American leaders, Tsuchiya argues, became Lyndon B. Johnson’s battle on Poverty right into a conflict for equality. Koreans countered the city’s and the nation’s exclusionary rules and asserted their welfare rights. Tsuchiya’s paintings exemplifies transnational antiracist networking, exhibiting how black non secular leaders traveled to Japan to fulfill Christian Korean activists and to supply information for his or her personal struggles.
Reinventing Citizenship finds how race and citizenship rework as they go international locations and continents. via documenting the interconnected histories of African americans and Koreans in Japan, Tsuchiya permits us to reconsider current principles of neighborhood and belonging.
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Extra info for Reinventing Citizenship: Black Los Angeles, Korean Kawasaki, and Community Participation (Critical American Studies)
This unclear nature of CAP helped to conceal divisions among departments involved in the antipoverty programs as well as the distance between Johnson’s promises of an “unconditional war” and the minimal budget available. As I will discuss in detail, the ambiguous character of CAP also masked the connection between welfare and warfare, as well as inconsistencies in the drafters’ treatment of the extent to which the poor and people of color were to be incorporated into the state. Since the contents of CAP remained vague, it would be vital to have “a strong federal agency” that could set a clear policy.
2 It was certainly the case that the rapid expansion of the Japanese economy in the postwar period—especially in the 1960s—transformed people’s everyday lives. Between 1955 and 1973, the real GNP expanded at an annual rate of 10 percent in Japan, increasing more rapidly than in any other industrial economy in the world. People rushed into major cities 43 44 · FOSTERING COMMUNITY AND NATIONHOOD such as Tokyo, Yokohama, Osaka, Nagoya, Kyoto, and Kobe searching for new employment opportunities. Such dramatic urbanization processes caused several changes in family life.
Local welfare activists kept their eyes on precisely this ambiguous characteristic of CAP. As Quadagno has argued, the crucial linkages developed among the War on Poverty, black liberation struggles, the Chicano movement, and the women’s movement once the antipoverty programs began. The appointment of Jack Conway as director of CAP strengthened these linkages between the antipoverty programs and social movements. Conway, a labor organizer in Detroit during the early days of the United Automobile Workers (UAW), used the phrase “maximum feasible participation” for more radical purposes.