By Stephen F. Larrabee, Richard Sokolsky, Stuart Johnson
This publication addresses numerous key questions: Will America's ecu allies be ready to muster the political will and armed forces functions to undertaking major army strength to aid shield the Persian Gulf? How a lot army strength can our ecu allies give a contribution this day and sooner or later to Persian Gulf contingencies? below what situations can the U.S. depend upon allied strength contributions? What are the consequences of allied strength contributions within the Persian Gulf for U.S. protection making plans and strength requisites? Can Europe turn into a extra equivalent accomplice in protecting universal Western pursuits that transcend peacekeeping and predicament administration in Europe? In answering those questions, the authors lay out a pragmatic and practical blueprint for securing stronger eu strength contributions to Persian Gulf safety that looks good in the allies' political, monetary, and armed forces skill.
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This e-book addresses a number of key questions: Will America's eu allies have the capacity to muster the political will and army functions to venture major army strength to aid guard the Persian Gulf? How a lot army strength can our eu allies give a contribution this present day and sooner or later to Persian Gulf contingencies?
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Extra resources for Persian Gulf Security: Improving Allied Military Contributions
Further, many skilled foreign workers, who are critical to Saudi oil production and the target of domestic resentment, could flee the country if the war unleashes a torrent of anti-Western or anti-American feelings. Together, these developments could slash oil production dramatically. A Second Iran-Iraq War Iran and Iraq have not abandoned pretensions to regional domination, and their competition for power and influence is exacerbated by deep-seated mistrust as well as by historical, ideological, and religious differences.
S to Quit Haiti; Reason Cited Is Budgetary,” New York Times, August 26, 1999, and Elaine M. Grossman, “CENTCOM Chief Rejects New Call to Cut Forces Patrolling Iraqi Skies,” Inside the Pentagon, August 26, 1999. 2For a cogent discussion of the growing transatlantic gap in military capabilities and technology, see David C. Gompert, Richard L. Kugler, and Martin C. : NDU Press, 1999. 32 Persian Gulf Security: Improving Allied Military Contributions America’s European allies will heed the call for improving their power projection and coalition warfare capabilities remains uncertain.
Or European intervention to secure access to the region’s energy resources. Obviously, these internal, regional, and extraregional scenarios are not mutually exclusive; rather, they are parallel and potentially reinforcing. Unlike the Gulf and the Caspian, where vulnerable producers are distant from the Euro-Atlantic area, North Africa is on NATO’s doorstep. Europe’s relatively strong energy stake and the Maghreb’s proximity to southern Europe make this an area where NATO’s southern members could be motivated to request NATO assistance in an energy-related crisis, for example, to provide military assistance to protect key installations in response to a request from a local government.