By Neville Wylie
Barbed cord international relations examines how the uk govt went approximately conserving the pursuits, lives and overall healthiness of its prisoners of conflict (POWs) in Nazi Germany among 1939 and 1945. The relatively sturdy therapy of British prisoners in Germany has principally been defined via historians by way of rational self-interest, reciprocity, and effect of Nazi racism, which accorded Anglo-Saxon servicemen the next prestige than different different types of POWs. in contrast, Neville Wylie bargains a extra nuanced photo of Anglo-German relatives and the politics of prisoners of warfare. Drawing on British, German, usa and Swiss assets, he argues that German benevolence in the direction of British POWs stemmed from London's good fortune in operating via impartial intermediaries, significantly its conserving strength (the usa and Switzerland) and the foreign Committee of the pink pass, to advertise German compliance with the 1929 Geneva conference, and development and maintaining a dating with the German executive that was once in a position to withstanding the corrosive results of 5 years of warfare.Expanding our realizing of either the formula and execution of POW coverage in either capitals, the publication sheds new gentle at the dynamics in inter-belligerent kinfolk through the battle. It means that whereas the second one international conflict may be rightly said as a clash during which conventional constraints have been commonly deserted within the pursuit of political, strategic and ideological pursuits, during this very important zone of Anglo-German kinfolk, universal foreign norms have been either resilient and powerful.
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Extra info for Barbed Wire Diplomacy: Britain, Germany, and the Politics of Prisoners of War, 1939-1945
Finally, the act of capturing lent itself to a crude cost–beneﬁt analysis. Every prisoner came with a price tag, calculated in terms of the men and material expended in the process of his capture, or the cost to the enemy in training up a replacement. ³¹ Ofﬁcials were particularly attuned to the cost of POW captures in America’s costly island-hopping campaigns in the Paciﬁc though similar calculations were made in the European theatre. In early 1945, for instance, the United States chiefs’ of staff (COS) urged London to reject a proposal for the repatriation of 25,000 German POWs for a similar number of Britons, on the grounds that American forces had lost 3,000 soldiers killed, 12,000 wounded, and another 2,000 ‘missing’ for every 25,000 Germans captured since the start of the D-Day campaign.
Jeffrey Legro, Cooperation under Fire: Anglo–German Restraint during World War II (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), esp. pp. 1–34, 217–35. ), Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), esp. pp. 1–32. Kathleen Thelen, ‘How Institutions Evolve. ), Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 208–40; and B. Peters, Institutional Theory in Political Science: The ‘New Institutionalisms’ (London: Pinter, 2002).
168–201 (170). ⁴² Christer J¨onsson, ‘Cognitive Factors in Explaining Regime Dynamics’, in Rittberger, Regime Theory and International Relations, pp. 202–22 (203). ⁴³ Under the inﬂuence of such beliefs, states adhere to international regimes out of a conviction that the principles and norms embodied in the regime resonate with their own value system and identity. Thus, while Britain’s support for the POW convention might be explicable in terms of Britain’s national interest or its fear of reprisals, it is equally clear that for most people the humanitarian sentiments enshrined in the convention were both morally and ethically correct, and consonant with the philosophical and religious convictions held by the majority of the British public.