By Mustafa Dikec
The connection among house and politics is explored via a examine of French city coverage. Drawing upon the political considered Jacques Rancière, this ebook proposes a brand new schedule for analyses of city coverage, and gives the 1st accomplished account of French city coverage in English.
- Essential source for contextualizing and knowing the revolts happening within the French ‘badland’ neighbourhoods in autumn 2005
- Challenges overarching generalizations approximately city coverage and contributes new examine information to the broader physique of city coverage literature
- Identifies a robust city and spatial measurement in the shift in the direction of extra nationalistic and authoritarian coverage governing French citizenship and immigration
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Extra info for Badlands of the Republic: Space, Politics and Urban Policy
The HLM, French social housing, was conceived for low-income families, although large numbers of middle-class families lived in such estates in the early post-war period. Most of the HLMs were constructed after the war in designated peripheral areas, the Zones à Urbaniser par Priorité (Priority Urbanization Areas, ZUPs hereafter). The ZUPs were created in 1958, and although the title was changed to Zones d’Aménagement Concerté (Concerted Planning Areas, ZACs hereafter) in 1967, the often negative image of the ZUP remained.
Part II The Police 3 The Right to the City? Revolts and the Initiation of Urban Policy At the end of a chapter entitled ‘Towards an urban strategy’, included in his 1970 La révolution urbaine, Lefebvre identified three ‘political strategies’: a) introducing the urban problematic into (French) political life, pushing it to the forefront; b) elaborating a programme of which the first article will be generalized autogestion [. ];1 c) introducing [. ] the ‘right to the city’. (Lefebvre, 1970: 199) As if to follow Lefebvre, all these ‘strategies’ were in place in the urban policy programme initiated by the Socialist government shortly after coming into power in 1981 – not quite as pre-conceived political strategies but, rather, as an urgent response to incidents of unrest in the banlieues of several French cities.
They define, in great detail, acceptable forms and images of social activity and individual and collective identity; they regulate, in empirically specifiable ways, much – very much, by the twentieth century – of social life. Indeed, in this sense ‘the State’ never stops talking. Corrigan and Sayer, 1985: 3 The power of definition, as Hobbes knew, is a highly strategic power invested in the state. Connolly, 1991: 207 I take Corrigan and Sayer’s notion of ‘state’s statements’ as a starting point from which to work out my approach to urban policy, which, as mentioned in the previous chapter, follows from a premise to consider its spaces not as given, but as produced through practices of articulation.